In this module, you will be able to:
How do we select and on what bases do we choose our leaders? Perhaps these are among the most crucial questions a student of politics may ask. Truly, elections are at the core of the political process. In the previous modules, you have already learned the framework of the government. At this point, you will learn how to become part of governance. You can play an important role in governance. Your interaction with the state is as crucial as the framework of government itself because without support from the citizens, any undertaking will hardly materialize.
An election is a relational process. People choose their leaders through an election, and the chosen leaders are expected to serve the people who elected them. The absence of this relationship will result in the failure of the electoral process.
One of the many ways by which you can participate in governmental affairs is through elections. The leaders you elect are reflective of the type of policies you wish to be crafted and implemented. You can definitely influence your government by selecting the right leaders who will assume seats in public office. Ultimately, you also have the power to punish erring politicians by not electing them again. To put simply, politicians are servants of the people who elect them. But how exactly are politicians chosen and what do election results actually mean in a democracy such as in the Philippines? These questions and more are addressed in this module.
Elections are a device for filling a governmental office through choices made by the electorate, a designated body of qualified people. While elections are by themselves not a sufficient condition for the existence of political representation, they are a necessary condition because the representative process is intrinsically linked to elections and voting (Heywood 2013). Elections have a variety of roles and functions. The following, however, are the central ones (Heywood 2013).
An election is an essential element of the democratic process. It allows people to select a leader through suffrage, electoral competition, and platform advancement.
1.Recruiting political leaders
2.Making governments
3.Providing representation
4.Influencing policy
5.Educating voters
6.Building legitimacy
7.Strengthening elites
Look at the following illustrations. What do they say about the Philippines in general and elections in particular? Share your thoughts with the class.
Illustration 1
Illustration 2
1.What makes an election a social process?
2.Why is an election considered the most important element of a democratic society? Is it the best method to select a leader?
3.Do you think that elections in the Philippines follow the spirit of a “relational process”? Provide specific answers to explain your thoughts.
1. What do you think are the reasons that attract people to vote during elections?
2.How important is the participation of an individual in the electoral process? How can a single vote affect the welfare of a certain society?
Elections can take many different forms. One may ask what posts or offices are filled through elections? Who is entitled to vote? How are votes cast? Are elections competitive or noncompetitive? How are elections conducted? These questions lead to a variety of electoral systems, which point to varying constitutional and political implications.
An electoral system is a set of rules that governs the conduct of elections (Heywood 2013). From questions pertaining to how elections should be conducted to how a candidate wins, elections are guided by an electoral system. To put it simply, electoral systems are variations of modalities by which votes are translated into seats in various government offices.
In general, electoral systems can be categorized into two types depending on how they convert votes into seats. In a majoritarian electoral system, larger political parties win a higher proportion of seats than the proportion of votes they gain in the election. In a proportional system, there is a guarantee of an equal, or at least more equal, relationship between the seats won by a party and the votes gained in the election. Thus, electoral systems range from the most majoritarian to the purest type of proportional system. Different electoral systems may be found in different countries, in different regions, and at different levels of government (King, 2000). Some of the electoral systems in the world are presented in table 10.1.
Majoritarian electoral systems usually offer the voters a clear choice of potential administration, invest winning parties with a policy mandate, and help promote a strong and stable government. On the other hand, proportional electoral systems usually give the government a broader electoral base, promote consensus and cooperation among a number of parties, and establish a healthy balance between the executive and the legislature (Heywood 2013). Regardless of their differences, electoral systems are designed to carry out three main functions (Reilly 2003):
1.translate the votes cast into seats won in a legislature;
2.act as conduit through which the people can hold their elected representatives accountable; and
3.give incentives for those competing for power to couch their appeals to the electorate in distinct ways.
Table 10.1 Electoral Systems (Heywood 2013)
There have been different reasons identified by political experts on how people vote during elections to select a leader. In your perspective, how are individuals affected by their behavior in choosing a candidate during elections?
A political party is a group of individuals aspiring for public position through electoral or other means. The political party is the major organizing principle of modern politics. It links the state and civil society, the institutions of the government, and the groups and interests that operate within society (Heywood 2013). The following are characteristics of parties that distinguish them from other groups (e.g., interest groups, civil society organizations, and social movements):
Political parties link the people, the government, and the state. They advance political ideologies that guide policy-making and political platforms in serving the people.
1.They aim to exercise government power by winning seats in the government.
2.They are formally organized bodies with “card carrying” membership. Membership involves taking of formal oath.
3.They adopt a broad issue focus and address major areas of government policy.
4.They are united by shared political preferences and ideological identity to varying degrees.
While you have learned that the central functions of political parties include filling of political offices and exercising governmental power, a number of other functions can also be identified (Heywood 2013). These are:
1.Representation
2.Elite formation and recruitment
3.Goal formulation
4.Interest articulation and aggregation
5.Socialization and mobilization
6.Organization of government
A political party is an entity whose main purpose is to advance policies on the welfare of people guided by a political ideology. It is also a group that represents people’s interests in government policy-making activities.
1.What is a political party? What are the characteristics of a group to be considered a political party?
2.In what way can a political party represent the interests and desires of the electorate? Provide specific examples to support your answer.
A political party system in the Philippines is considered weak due to the prevalence of political “turncoatism,” a condition when party members transfer from one party to another to fulfill their personal political agendas. Do you agree with this concept? Provide explanation to your answer.
Political parties are important not only because of their functions that were mentioned. More importantly, the complex relationship between parties helps in the structuring of the political system. This network of relationship is commonly referred to as party system. There are several ways of distinguishing the type of party system that exists in a certain country. One is based on the number of parties competing for political power. Another is depending on the size of parties relative to their electoral and legislative strength. The last factor has direct implications on how parties relate to each other, that is, whether there is cooperation, consensus, or conflict among them (Heywood 2013). The major types of party systems include the following:
A political party system is a complex and interrelated network of relationships among parties in a given political community.
1.One-party system – Only one party dominates and there is no political competition between parties. Single-party systems are characterized by the oppression of democratic freedom.
2.Two-party system – Two parties primarily dominate the political landscape and smaller parties only play a subordinate role.
3.Dominant party systems – Other parties are present but only one party dominates and enjoys prolonged periods in power.
4.Multiparty system – More than two parties compete for power over time. It reduces the likelihood of a single-party government and increases chances of coalition formation.
The Philippines has a multiparty system, which is manifested in the 1987 Constitution. Hence, there are political parties that develop in both the national and local levels of political communities.
Democratic institutions, including elections, were imported to the Philippines from Western models. In the country, American colonialism was instrumental in the rise of constitutional law, the secret ballot, political parties, and legislature, among many others. The following provides a time line of the development of elections and political parties in the country.
Table 10.2 The Development of Elections and Political Parties in the Philippines
| Time/Period | Events |
| Spanish Period | Limited form of suffrage was observed. Only the principales were allowed to vote and were eligible to run as gobernadorcillo. |
| American Period | Americans initially conducted municipal elections in pacified areas under military rule. |
| May 1898 | First election was held in Baliwag, Bulacan under American supervision, followed by four municipalities in Cavite through General Order No. 40. |
| December 1900 | The Federalist Party (FP) was established by upper-class Filipinos led by Trinidad Pardo de Tavera. Its platform was anchored on the entry of the Philippines to the United States. |
| 1901 | Civilian government was established. Under Act No. 60, the Philippine Commission listed property and educational qualifications for voters. |
| November 1901 | The Anti-Sedition Law was passed. It punished those that advocated independence. |
| 1902 | Philippine Bill of 1902 was passed, which created the Philippine Assembly. |
| 12 March 1907 | The Nacionalista Party (NP) was formed as a merger of several nationalist movements that pushed for Philippine independence. It came under the leadership of notable personalities such as Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmeña. |
| 30 June 1907 | The first legislative election was held under the first General Election Law of the Philippines (Act No. 1532). Through a direct vote of qualified voters, elective provincial and municipal posts were filled aside from those of the unicameral Philippine Assembly. |
| 1916 | The Jones Law of 1916 transformed the unicameral Philippine Legislature into bicameral, composed of the House of Representatives and the Senate. |
| 1917 | The Progresista Party (formerly the FP) merged with the Partido Democrata Nacional (National Democratic Party), an offshoot or the NP. They formed the Partido Democrata (Democratic Party). Meanwhile, the NP still dominated electoral politics throughout the prewar period. This continued in the inauguration of the Commonwealth government until the establishment of the Third Philippine Republic. |
| 1922 | A power struggle between Quezon and Osmeña of the NP led the former to organize the Partido Naconalista-Colectivista. This marked the dispute between the Colectivistas (those who favored collective leadership) and the Unipersonalistas (those who believed in “personal” leadership).
The 1922 elections was thus a three-party contest between the Colectivista, Unipersonalista, and Democratic parties. The power struggle within the NP resulted in Osmeña’s loss of power and Quezon’s prominence. |
| April 1924 | The two factions of the Nacionalista reunited under the Partido Nacionalista Consolidado (Consolidated Nationalist Party). In the 1931 elections, the reunited party won overwhelmingly against the Partido Democrata, which was dissolved in 1932. |
| 1934 | The Tydings-McDuffie Law (Philippine Independence Act) was passed. The Philippine legislature convened a Constitutional Convention to draft a government for the Philippine Commonwealth. |
| Commonwealth | The 1935 Constitution established the Philippine Commonwealth. It established a presidential form of government and a unicameral National Assembly. However, a 1940 amendment reestablished the bicameral legislature. The right of suffrage was granted to all Filipinos who were qualified. Extension to women of the right of suffrage was also provided. Under Commonwealth Act No. 357, the Election Code consolidated all existing election laws. An independent Commission on Elections (COMELEC) was created through a constitutional amendment. |
| Japanese Occupation | The war overshadowed the constitutional amendments of 1940 and the reelection of Quezon as Commonwealth president and Osmeña as vice president. The Commonwealth government went into exile in the United States, with Chief Justice Jose Abad Santos appointed by Quezon as president of the Commonwealth government in the Philippines. |
| 1942 | By December, the Japanese Military Administration announced the voluntary dissolution of all political parties. These were replaced by the Association for Service to the New Philippines or the Kapisanan sa Paglilingkod sa Bagong Pilipinas (KALIBAPI) with Benigno S. Aquino as its first director general. |
| 1944 | The American forces were able to reestablish their presence in the Philippines. The Commonwealth was reestablished under Osmeña. Pre-World War II parties were restored. |
| Postwar/Independence Period | From 1946 to 1971, 16 national and local elections were conducted. Postwar war politics was defined by an indistinct two-party system, with NP and Liberal Party (LP) competing. Both took terms to lead the presidency and both chambers of Congress. |
| 1946 | The Liberal Wing among the Nacionalistas became the Liberal Party. The 1946 elections saw Manuel Roxas from the LP win as president of the country against Sergio Osmeña. |
| 1947 | A constitutional amendment extended the House of Representatives’ term to four years and the senate to six years. |
| 1949 | A convention of the Elpidio Quirino wing of the Liberal Party was held. Quirino won as president in the 1949 elections. |
| 1953 | Ramon Magsaysay of the NP won against Quirino of the LP in the 1953 elections. Magsaysay died in 1957 and was succeeded by Vice President Carlos Garcia. |
| 1957 | Carlos Garcia of the NP won as president and Diosdado Macapagal of the LP won as vice president. |
| 1961 | Diosdado Macapagal won as president in the 1961 elections. |
| 1964–65 | The then-LP president Ferdinand Marcos defected from the party and joined the NP. Marcos emerged victorious as president in the 1965 elections against incumbent President Macapagal. |
| 1969 | The elections in 1969 were a two-party contest between LP and NP. Marcos won a second term against Sergio Osmeña Jr. |
| 1971 | The midterm senatorial election of 1971 was the last free elections, after Marcos declared Martial Law the following year and abolished Congress. |
| Martial Law Period | The start of martial rule signaled an end to the country’s long experiment with Western-style democracy. |
| 21 September 1972 | Martial Law was declared and this ended all forms of open party and competitive elections. |
| January 1973 | Marcos called a special referendum to ratify the 1973 Constitution by means of citizen assemblies. |
| 7 April 1978 | First elections under martial law were held for the members of the interim National Assembly. The Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) or New Society Movement was established as an umbrella organization of Marcos’ supporters. Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN) or People’s Power was organized as a new opposition group led by Benigno Aquino Jr., an LP member. |
| 1979 | Salvador Laurel reestablished the Nacionalista Party and began to challenge the KBL in the 1980 local elections in Batangas. However, the NP was divided between Marcos and Laurel supporters. |
| August 1980 | The United Nationalist Democratic Opposition (UNIDO) was established by the Laurel faction of the NP and members of the elite pre-martial law and the anti-Marcos opposition. |
| March 1981 | Marcos called for another referendum with the intention of restraining the viable sections of the opposition from participating in the June elections. Marcos won in the said electoral contest. |
| 21 August 1983 | Benigno Aquino Jr. was assassinated. This political incident led to the consolidation of the anti-Marcos opposition. |
| January 1984 | The COMPACT was created, which led the boycott of the opposition against the regime’s initiatives for legitimation through the ballot. The COMPACT was comprised of Kilusan sa Kapangyarihan at Karapatan ng Bayan (KAAKBAY), the LP, the Pilipino Democratic Party (PDP), and the Nationalist Alliance (NA). But there were members of the opposition who prepared for the elections in 1984, including the Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino (KOMPIL) and to some extent UNIDO. Both COMPACT and KOMPIL set out conditions for Marcos to allow the opposition to participate in the elections, including the implementation of specific electoral procedural reforms. |
| 14 May 1984 | Elections for members of the National Assembly took place. The position of those who participated in the electoral contest was bolstered with the revival of the National Movement for Free and Fair Elections (NAMFREL), which became the accredited election watchdog in the May 1984 and February 1986 Elections. |
| 7 February 1986 | Corazon Aquino, Benigno Aquino’s widow, ran as President against Marcos. The elections were marred by widespread fraud and violence, but NAMFREL’s quick count operation made it difficult for Marcos to manipulate election results. He, however, doubled his efforts to alter election results, which led to calls for massive civil disobedience. |
| 25 February 1986 | The EDSA People Power broke out and it succeeded in ousting Marcos. This marked the return to constitutionalism and democracy as the 1987 Philippine Constitution was later ratified. |
Sources: Teehankee 2002, Tigno 2006, Velasco 2006
For more resources and activities on the Philippine political parties, visit the Diwa Learning Town website at http://bit.ly/diwa-PPG2ED. Submit your output to your teacher.
The structure of the current electoral system is provided in the 1987 Constitution and the Omnibus Election Code. The COMELEC is given the task to enforce election laws and exercise exclusive jurisdiction over the qualifications of candidates, accreditation of political parties, and canvassing of votes.
The 1987 Philippine Constitution contains the current political structures, mechanisms, and schemes of political parties. Political history has played an important role in shaping today’s legal framework.
The 1987 Constitution provides that the three branches of the government are separate and equal. The president and the vice president are elected separately by a direct vote of the people. Under the simple plurality method, the candidates with the highest number of votes will be proclaimed winners also known as “first-past-the-post system.” Both officials are to serve for a term of six years. The maximum terms, the qualifications, and functions were already discussed in module 6.
The Transitory Provisions of the 1987 Constitution qualities that “of the senators elected in the election of 1992, the first 12 obtaining the highest number of votes shall serve for six years (full) and the remaining 12 for three years.” In 1995, elected senators were then given six-year term. Thus, 12 senators are elected every three years. This scheme of concurrent six-year terms was formulated so that the Senate would not be vacated and continue with their law-and policy-making functions. Remember that under a bicameral system, the bills submitted by the House of Representatives are still to be considered by the Senate. It is thus important that there are senators who could deal with the bill; otherwise, no laws will be created.
Of the 250 members of the House of Representatives, 200 are elected through district proportional representation, while 50 are elected from party-lists on a proportional basis. Party-lists are closed list (meaning, the people vote for the political party as a whole) and election of the representative is based on the candidates’ placement in the party slate (Velasco 2006). Under the Party-List Act (RA 7941), seats are allocated at one seat per 2% of the votes obtained. Only a maximum of three seats are allowed per party. Unallocated seats shall be distributed among the other parties that have not yet obtained the maximum of three seats (provided that they have reached 2% of votes).
At present, there are almost 300 representatives in the Philippines. While the 1987 Constitution only provides for 250 members of the House of Representatives, Article VI, Section 5 states that “each legislative district shall comprise, as far as practicable, contiguous, compact, and adjacent territory. Each city with a population of at least 250 000, or each province, shall have at least one representative.” Within three years following the return of every census, the Congress shall make a reapportion of legislative districts based on the standards provided in Article VI, Section 5. Population growth is thus a factor in such increase in the number of representatives. Apart from population growth, another reason for the increase of seats is due to several contestations on the Party-List Act. In 2009, while the Supreme Court upheld the three-seat cap, it ruled that the 2% election threshold was unconstitutional and stipulated that for every five legislative districts created, one seat for sectoral representatives should also be created. This increased the sectoral seats in the 14th Congress from 22 to 55.
The current constitution encourages a free and open party system. It implies that a group of individuals aspiring for public office through the machinery of a political party can institute one. This led to the rise of several political parties in the post-1986 period and the setting up of a multiparty system. The introduction of the party-list system furthered this.
Meanwhile, the 1991 Local Government Code governs elections for local government officials. The punong barangay, vice mayor, mayor, vice governor, and governor are elected in their respective localities through a plurality vote (first-past-the-post system). The members of the local assemblies (e.g., city and municipal councils and the provincial board) are elected by district and through a plurality vote. Members of the barangay or village assembly are elected at large in their areas. The local government officials are to serve a maximum of three consecutive three-year terms.
What have been the changes and features of the electoral and party systems in the Philippines? Identify specific instances to support your answer.
If you would be given a chance to choose a political party in the Philippines and be a part of it, what would it be, and what policies would you advance?
Velasco (2006) noted that three main parties emerged in the country during the post-1986 period and these are the Lakas, the Laban ng Makabayang Masang Pilipino (LAMMP), and the Liberal Party.
The Lakas-NUCD-UMDP (Lakas) became the largest party after Fidel Ramos was elected into presidency in 1992. Former members of the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP) established this political party in 1992 and became Ramos’s vehicle for the presidential election. The Lakas was a product of the merger between the newly formed The Lakas ng EDSA and the older National Union of Christian Democrats-Union of Muslim Democrats of the Philippines (NUCD-UMDP) founded in 1984 (Teehankee 2002). In 1994, Lakas formed a coalition with the LDP for the 1995 congressional elections, known as the Lakas-Laban coalition. In 2004, it changed its name to Lakas-Christian Muslim Democrats (Lakas-CMD) and became part of the Koalisyon ng Katapatan at Karanasan sa Kinabukasan (K-4 coalition), which supported the presidency of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. In 2008, it merged with Kabalikat ng Malayang Pilipino (Kampi), the political party of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, to form the Lakas-Kampi-CMD, which became the ruling party in the 2010 elections. The political base of Lakas is in large provinces (such as Pangasinan and Cebu), which are considered to be strongholds of its top leaders. It also had strong linkages with the big businesses because of its pro-business policies under Ramos and Arroyo.
The Laban ng Makabayang Masang Pilipino (LAMMP), on the other hand, was a coalition of two major and one minor opposition parties. These were the LDP, the Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC), and the Partido ng Masang Pilipino (PMP). The LAMMP was organized in October 1997 to consolidate the opposition against Lakas. The LAMMP was led by then Senator Edgardo Angara (former head of the LDP) and its secretary-general was former Senator Orlando Mercado (former PMP president). It became the ruling coalition following the victory of its presidential bet, Joseph Ejercito Estrada, in the May 1998 elections. The LDP was the largest opposition party before its merger with NPC and PMP to form the LAMMP. It was set up in 1988 by anti-Marcos politicians led by former senate president Neptali Gonzales, then speaker of the House of Representatives Ramon Mitra, and former congressman Jose Cojuangco. It was the ruling party during the Corazon Aquino Administration. On the other hand, the NPC was the second biggest opposition party before it merged with LDP and PMP. It was established to support the presidential campaign of Eduardo Cojuangco Jr. in 1992, who lost. After the election, the NPC formed a coalition in the House with the ruling Lakas-NUCD-UMDP to support Speaker de Venecia. However, the party’s strength was reduced following the victory of the Lakas-led coalition in 1995 midterm elections. In 1998, the NPC was dissolved as a party and its members forged an alliance with the LAMMP, which became the ruling party.
The Liberal Party is the only pre-1972 political party in the country that remains in existence today. Manuel Roxas founded the political party on 19 January 1946, from what was once the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party. The party controlled the Senate and had influence in the House during Corazon Aquino’s presidency. However, like the LDP, it suffered during the 1992 presidential and congressional elections. In 2009, the Liberal Party mounted a campaign for Senator Benigno C. Aquino III, who won the presidency in the May 2010 national elections. For the 2013 midterm elections, it formed a coalition of Liberal party-led groups and other parties, which became known as the Team PNoy.
Elections and political parties in the Philippines are observed to be problematic. Teehankee (2000) noted that the conduct of elections in the Philippines has failed to fully achieve two central functions of electoral systems—representation and integration.
As to representation, major institutions in the national and local political landscape are still dominated by the economic and political elites, including political dynasties and clans. Thus, the interests of the marginalized sectors are hardly recognized or addressed in the legislature. As to integration, it was contended that Philippine elections still lack real political alternatives or competitive candidates, despite being open to anyone qualified to run. Concerning the electoral process, it is still riddled with opportunities for electoral fraud and wholesale cheating. Nonetheless, there is now a high hope of preventing such instances following the automation of elections in the country.
Meanwhile, Velasco (2006) observed that political parties in the country are similar, such that they subscribe to the liberal principles of free enterprise, limited government, and protection of civil rights and liberties. He noted that while these similarities resolved conflicts between the executive and legislative and hastened policy making, supporting similar standpoints has serious drawbacks, too. First, only mainstream policies are accommodated at the expense of alternative positions and interests; second, party loyalty and ideology bear little weight; and third, similar standpoints increase the likelihood of party transfers, or political turncoatism, hence the rebirth of “political butterflies.” These drawbacks now point to an important question: “Have political parties in the Philippines evolved into ‘real’ political parties or are they a mere grouping of politicians who are loosely organized around temporary interests?”
Similarly, the same observations were noticed by Teehankee (2002) when he pointed out that the weakness of party system results in the emergence of dominant ad hoc coalitions. Political parties in the country tend not to play a leading role in policy making, given that they are “parties of notables,” whose support is drawn from political elites. Thus, the social base becomes limited by ethnic groupings and bailiwicks of party leaders. Teehankee further observed that the weak organization of parties resulted from the constraints set by the electoral system, its being young, and having a personalistic leadership. The mass media also poses a challenge in the party’s ability to articulate and aggregate interest. Finally, he posited that the legal-institutional context within which parties operate must be improved to strengthen parties and party politics.
Teehankee (2002) suggests that a more incremental approach to electoral reforms and legislative development may speak volumes in solving the aforementioned problems, and definitely define the future of Philippine electoral and party politics—if not democracy at large.
Look at the illustrations on the next pages. What issues regarding Philippine elections are they very critical about? What are your views or thoughts? Share them with the class.
Illustration 3
Illustration 4
Read the political commentary written by J. Opiniano (2016) regarding the uncertainty of electoral reforms in the Philippines at https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2016/05/09/1581496/philippiness-political-electoral-reforms-remain-uncertain. Then answer the following questions:
1.What are the factors making electoral and political reforms in the Philippines uncertain?
2.What are the events in the Philippines that challenged the legal and political institution’s instability?
3.How do these events hinder the achievement of stable and strong political institutions in the country?
You are a political scientist who has been commissioned by a popular nongovernmental organization (NGO) in the Philippines whose advocacy focuses on human rights. Your task is to make a policy paper advocating the rights of the poor to be given justice in the application of laws and policy frameworks in the country. This is also in response to the absence of due process in administering the rule of law when it comes to the poor. The executive director of the organization will evaluate your report based on content, practical ability to influence national policies, and ability to convey public message on the significance of rule of law in the country.
Format for your proposed outline of the position paper:
I. Identification of policy issue
II. Legal and policy framework
III. Policy solutions and recommendations
IV. Advocacy statement
You may check the following articles which comprehensively discuss elections and political parties in the Philippines:
Elections are an important device in filling seats in the government. Elections serve a number of functions, the most important of which are representation and integration. Open, competitive, free, and fair elections are important manifestations of the quality of democracy in a particular state. Similarly, political parties are important mechanisms that are expected to link the people with their governments. In a healthy democracy, a strong party system is as important as open elections. The conduct of elections and the organization of parties in the Philippines are guided by the 1987 Constitution, among others. The return of the Philippines to democracy and constitutionalism after 1986 speaks volumes on the characteristics of elections and parties in the period after. However, elections and parties remain to be problematic in the country. Several reforms have been provided, including institutional and structural ones, but the challenges and issues remain to be prevalent. A more incremental approach to electoral reform is thus expected if the country’s quality of democracy is to be improved.